Wheat and U.S-China Relations
Primary in the wheat dispute has been China's refusal of American wheat shipments on the grounds that the shipments have been contaminated with TCK smut wheat fungus. American negotiators have argued that China's refusals of these shipments represent discriminatory trade practices, because, on the one hand, the fungus does not present any scientifically justifiable risk to the health of Chinese consumers or to Chinese wheat cultivators, and on the other hand, China has accepted smut-infested wheat from other countries without restriction. On April 10 China agreed to lift its ban on wheat imports from the U.S. on TCK grounds; the agreement did not, however, guarantee Chinese purchases of Northwest wheat in any amount. Optimistic estimates expect an increase in revenues for Pacific Northwest wheat farmers of as much as $100 million if the agreement is regarded by Chinese officials as ultimately binding; implications for international environmental protocol remain unclear.
The bunt has been an issue among wheat farmers for centuries; the first recorded use of copper sulfate to prevent bunt was in 1761. There are currently a large number of chemical agents on the market which can be used to prevent the bunt, although such treatments have been occurring on such a limited scale of late in the United States that the bunt is recurring.
Spreading of the bunt occurs during the flowering season. Bunt sporadia can survive transportation and can often be windborne. The fungus can survive dormant under the soil for up to five years. Bunted wheat is not a direct health risk for human consumption, although the spores can be highly allergenic. Bunt spores released into the air can also be highly flammable; a number of threshing machines caught fire as a result during the early 20th century in the U.S. and Canada.
Incidence of the bunt in the American Northwest is currently small in terms of total crop yields, although it can be quite a serious problem in particular areas which are heavily infested. China has indicated problems with two forms of the bunt: karnal bunt, and TCK smut. A shipment of U.S. wheat was rejected in 1997 on the grounds that it contained the TCK fungus. Karnal bunt has not been common in the United States, although it has recently been found in small quantities of wheat grown in Arizona. Federal regulations in the United States prohibit import of wheat from countries where the karnal bunt is known to occur, such as India, Pakistan, Iraq, and Afghanistan, except under permit from the USDA for purposes of scientific research.
The April 10 agreement is quite significant in that it indicates a policy shift on the part of the Chinese from one of zero tolerance of smut-infested wheat to what appears as a quite liberal approach to smut infestation; the USTR indicates that China has agreed to accept shipments which contain less than 30,000 bunt spores per 50 grams of wheat. Such a profound shift may perhaps be regarded as indicative that the Chinese regard the wheat issue as one of those on which they are most flexible within the context of the overall WTO accession negotiations. This may prove a boon to American wheat producers; however, it may also imply a commensurate decline in U.S. and Chinese efforts to control the smut. Insofar as the TCK smut can reasonably be expected to have a meaningful impact on overall wheat output in each country, it may still merit a significant degree of concern.
Agriculture in China has undergone a number of significant changes since the advent of the Reform Era in 1978. Chinese farmers have, in general, been able to gain from reforms as a result of privatization. However, government prioritization of growth in urban industrial sectors has placed a large portion of the country's tax burden on agricultural producers, and has kept grain prices (as well as farm incomes) relatively low.
From 1978 until 1984, reforms included increases in the government procurement price of most crops, as well as reductions or abolitions of procurement quotas, and significant improvement in the quality and availability of manufactured inputs. Grain produced beyond what was required by government quotas was permitted to be sold in open markets (and usually at prices higher than the government procurement price); thereby creating significant incentive for farmers to increase productivity. Grain production increased during this period from 304.8 million metric tons (mmt) in 1978 to 407.3 mmt in 1984(Carter p. 16).
Since 1984 the PRC government has shifted the emphasis of the reform process from agriculture toward urban industrial development. Government interest in keeping urban food prices (and thus wages) low despite significant increases in procurement (and market) prices for grain brought urban consumer food subsidies to levels approaching one-quarter of the entire government budget during the late 1980s. Grain production stagnated during this period; 1988 production was reported at 394.1 mmt, 13.2 mmt lower than the 1984 level. The agricultural sector experienced limited recovery during the early 1990s alongside further liberalization of agricultural markets. These liberalizations were reversed, however, in 1993 and 1994 due to grain price increases at levels which threatened inflation and urban social instability(Carter p. 44-45).
In March of 1995 Premier Li Peng implemented the "governor's grain bag policy," under which provincial governors were required by the central government to achieve and maintain designated quotas with respect to crop yields, sown areas, and reserve stock holdings in an attempt to avoid declines in grain production in the coastal areas (and thereby preserve a greater degree of grain self-sufficiency). Carter, Zhong, and Cai argue that the policy "may temporarily improve grain supply in the coastal provinces at the cost of efficiency in resource allocation, and may encourage interprovincial blockades on grain shipment when a particular area suffers from a natural disaster"(Carter p. 44). Additionally, farmers in lower-income inland areas may expect lower prices on grain shipments delivered to the coastal regions.
Taken in light of China's domestic grain situation, refusal of grain imports from the American Northwest, if they were politically or economically rather than ecologically motivated, would appear to serve the purpose of insulating the grain bag policy from the disruption of low-cost wheat imports from abroad and allowing for relatively higher domestic grain prices conducive to a maintenance or increase in levels of grain production at less-than-exorbitant cost to the government. As such, Premier Zhu's willingness to come to an agreement more favorable to U.S. grain imports may imply a rethinking of the grain bag policy among Chinese policymakers; while China gains from limiting U.S. wheat imports with respect to grain self-sufficiency, such a policy may also mean high urban food prices (or costly government subsidies) at the same time. China's willingness to concede phytosanitary restrictions on wheat imports may reflect a shift toward prioritization of lower food costs rather than grain self-sufficiency.
During the period (1996-97) of China's refusal of American wheat shipments on grounds of TCK smut infestation, significant changes can be perceived in production and trade patterns in the United States and China with respect to wheat (although we cannot make definitive conclusions as to causation); these changes can be observed in Tables 1 and 2:
1995 | 1996 | 1997 | |
United States | 59.4 | 62.2 | 68.8 |
China | 102.2 | 110.6 | 122.6 |
1995/96 | 1996/97 | |
U.S. Exports | 33.7 | 27.0 |
Chinese Imports | 14.4 | 5.2 |
American export prices fell during this time from $218/tonne in 1995/96 to $157/tonne in 1996/97 (US Hard Winter No.2) and from $198/tonne to $158/tonne (US Soft red Winter No.2). Whether these figures are partially as a result of Chinese refusal of American wheat imports, or they are merely representative of highly unfavorable market conditions for American wheat producers during that time which would place an element of urgency upon prospective wheat sales to China, is somewhat uncertain. However it is clear that conditions in wheat markets precipitated a U.S.-China conflict of interest at that time.
Regardless of the legitimacy or illegitimacy of Chinese concerns as to wheat smut infestation, it is perhaps reasonable to suggest that the Chinese government, so long as it is interested in maintaining grain self-sufficiency even at the cost of efficient resource allocation, has an incentive to limit grain imports from the United States and elsewhere. However, if Brown's predicted increases in China's grain demand are close to the mark, efforts within China to enhance grain production may do relatively little to alter an overall trend toward substantial growth in China's grain demand and a concurrent increase in world prices.
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a. Geographic Domain: North America
b. Geographic Site: WNAMER (Western North America)
c. Geographic Impact: China
a. Directly Related to Product: Yes (Wheat)
b. Indirectly Related to Product: No
c. Not Related to Product: No
d. Related to Process: Yes (Infestation)
If, on the other hand, China is does prove capable of increasing grain production at rates exceeding growth in domestic demand, this could have a seriously adverse affect on domestic U.S. grain prices. Most analysts, however, appear to believe such a scenario is unlikely.
China has recently been experiencing severe drought which has provided a serious threat to projected domestic crop yields. Such conditions may imply increased import demand of the sort favorable to American producers; these conditions may also have had some small impact on the willingness of the Beijing government to come to an agreement with the USTR. U.S. wheat prices are expected to increase moderately despite relatively strong yield outlooks; these expected increases have been partially attributed to optimism over the possibility of a U.S.-China resolution of the dispute over Northwest wheat.
Name: Wheat
Type: Many
Diversity: Global
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